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Micro-Edition | DOI: 10.55520/YSF9HQNH
Jeannot Testifies in the Case of the Disappearance of Enslaver Corbin September 10, 1743 Olivia Barnard Leila K. Blackbird Jessica Marie Johnson Transcribed by Olivia Barnard Chenise Calhoun Leila K. Blackbird Translated by Olivia Barnard Leila K. Blackbird Chenise Calhoun Eola Dance Maya Hogarth Annotated by Leila K. Blackbird Olivia Barnard Encoded by Leila K. Blackbird Olivia Barnard E. G. Palazzolo 2024 Scholarly Editing: The Annual of the Association for Documentary Editing http://www.scholarlyediting.org Association for Documentary Editing 2024 kol kol Scholarly Editing: The Annual of the Association for Documentary Editing is freely distributed by the Association for Documentary Editing and licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Scholarly Editing: The Annual of the Association for Documentary Editing Co-Editor in Chief Noelle Baker Kathryn Tomasek Consulting Editor Silvia Glick Co-Managing Editor Robert Riter Jenifer Ishee Technical Editor Micro-Editions Editor Raffaele Viglianti 41 2167-1257 Louisiana Historical Center 1743-09-10-02 Facsimle available online at the Louisiana Colonial Documents Digitization Project. https://www.lacolonialdocs.org/document/5892. Fugitivity Fugitivity is a keyword in Black studies that captures the physical, metaphysical, armed, and everyday resistance of enslaved Africans and their allies against any and all aspects of enslavement. Rashauna Johnson, describing the “slave space” that was New Orleans, points to the specific geography of the region as lesson in fugitivity: Nonetheless, enslaved persons appropriated the places assigned them toward their own ends, a point that broadens the received gendered geographies of slave resistance. Because New Orleans was an important port city, it offered a diffuse set of pathways for escape – and recapture. If the politics of place could oppress, slaves reasoned, movement could also become an avenue to freedom. The connectedness that made the city’s location so desirable to merchants and imperial officials – its land passageways, river outlets, and Atlantic access – gave runaways an array of escape options. The fugitives redefined themselves in local “geographies of resistance,” or fled to other parts of the Atlantic World.
No description provided.
“Camera looking from water to stand of cypress along shore.” Louisiana Ecology and Conservation: Percy Viosca Jr. Collection, Louisiana Digital Library, Baton Rouge. https://louisianadigitallibrary.org/islandora/object/lsu-sea-pvc%3A263.
However, fugitivity is a term encompassing more than marronnage (which is the act of absconding from enslavers and being out of reach of slaveholding authorities, even if temporarily). Fugitivity describes active and intentional resistance, as well as the acts of imagination and refusal that Africans and people of African descent engaged in against slaveholders’ gendered racial capitalistic regime. Fred Moten writes: What's at stake is fugitive movement in and out of the frame, bar, or whatever externally imposed social logic—a movement of escape, the stealth of the stolen that can be said, since it inheres in every closed circle, to break every enclosure. This fugitive movement is stolen life, and its relation to law is reducible neither to simple interdiction nor bare transgression. Part of what can be attained in this zone of unattainability, to which the eminently attainable ones have been relegated, which they occupy but cannot (and refuse to) own, is some sense of the fugitive law of movement that makes black social life ungovernable, that demands a para-ontological disruption of the supposed connection between explanation and resistance. Fugitivity is a keyword in Black studies, and Keywords for Black Louisiana draws on insights from Black studies to better understand the sources Africans and their descendants appeared in, as well as to better interpret the individual and communal acts of resistance. Stories with this keywordMiguel and Pedro Escaped with María JuanaMaría Juana Sues for Her FreedomMama Comba's GombeauLuison Claims Her FreedomJeannot Testifies in the Case of the Disappearance of Enslaver CorbinAntoine Is Willing to Burn It All Down
Kinship Keywords for Black Louisiana views “kinship” and the battle for kin as central to Black life in the so-called New World. Kinship is the glue that knit Africans together in Gulf Coast Louisiana. Building and rebuilding fictive, chosen, and biological kin that reshaped bonds broken through the slave trade and the forced relocations of bondage in the New World occupied Africans and people of African descent from the moment of their initial capture on the African continent to the end of their lives. Larry Powell writes: Few aspects of African tradition were felt more strongly by slaves fresh from the homeland than a commitment to kinship. Severed from bloodlines, they invented new family ties on the spot. Fictive kinship was one type. Slaves acquired new siblings and new elders. But these arrangements were ad hoc and informal, anchored in nothing more solid than the sands of sentiment. Gender, age, and reproductive capacity played an important role in kinship relations and rebuilding kinship and community. As Jessica Marie Johnson writes, Understanding the role intimacy and kinship played in black women’s lives highlights black women’s everyday understanding of freedom as centered around safety and security for themselves and their progeny. Safety, particularly safety from intimate violence, and security lay at the heart of decisions to secure or reject patrons, partners, lovers, and other kin. Black women’s intimacy with individuals ranged along the spectrum of coerced to strategic, from fraternal to sexual. Determined to build community and make generations, imagining futures that were, if not beyond bondage, at least buttressed against harm, they cultivated, protected, and defended kinship networks. They engaged in a range of practices meant to safeguard their bodies and their legacies. At times this included legitimating kinship ties through formal sacred institutions like the Catholic Church. Stories with this keywordThe Two-Year-Old Son of Marianne Dies from Worm DiseaseCatalina Swears She Hasn’t Harbored María JuanaJuan Francisco Is Interrogated about María JuanaMaría Juana Sues for Her FreedomMarie Aram Secures Her FreedomMaria and Carlota Gain Their FreedomMama Comba's GombeauJeannot Testifies in the Case of the Disappearance of Enslaver CorbinJanette and Pierre: Children Enslaved on the Same PlantationHypolite Is Sold at Public AuctionGuillermo, Catalina, and Her Children Are Sold at AuctionGuillermo, Catalina, and Her Children Are InventoriedFrançois Became More Ill Along the WayChef Dominique and Family Stay TogetherCatharina Knows Her WorthBaptiste Is Freed by the Spanish GovernorAntoine Is Willing to Burn It All Down Manumission Manumission is the act of freeing and being freed from slavery “while the institution of slavery continues,” as described by Rosemary Brana-Shute and Randy J. Sparks. Manumission was a critical act and strategy enslaved people engaged in as they struggled for control over their lives, selves, and kinship networks. It was differentiated from emancipation, the legislative acts and actions (i.e., US Civil War) nominally freeing all enslaved people, wholesale or conditionally (i.e., with apprenticeship), across a given slaveholding society. Manumission was executed by individual enslavers on behalf of their respective property (enslaved people) through formal (i.e., legal) action. Manumission was regulated by imperial and national officials in all slaveholding societies, but the rules of manumission varied across empire, region, and even between towns or colonial outposts. In French Louisiana, manumission was regulated by a succession of Code Noirs (1685, 1724) which determined the guidelines enslavers needed to follow to complete an act of manumission. In Spanish Louisiana, the French ordinances were replaced by Spanish manumission law guided by the Siete Partidas, eighteenth-century Spanish imperial law, and the bandos de buen gobierno. The differences were stark between the two colonial periods. For example, during the French period, enslavers were required to secure ratification of the Superior Council for any manumissions. In the Spanish period, not only could enslavers directly manumit their enslaved property, but enslaved people could also appeal to the Spanish Cabildo (Louisiana's governing body during the Spanish period) for their freedom. Coartación, the process of appealing for your freedom, allowed a critical mass of Africans and people of African descent to secure their freedom. The audacity, creativity, and resistance practice of enslaved people demanding their legal freedom from their owners through coartación laid the foundation for the free population of color that would emerge in the later years of the eighteenth century. Stories with this keywordJuan Francisco Is Interrogated about María JuanaMaría Juana Sues for Her FreedomMarie Aram Secures Her FreedomMaria and Carlota Gain Their FreedomCatharina Knows Her WorthBaptiste Is Freed by the Spanish GovernorAntoine Is Willing to Burn It All Down Wellness Keywords for Black Louisiana views “wellness” expansively and radically to encompass an array of practices. For Africans in Gulf Coast Louisiana, wellness meant more than their physical health. Enslavers demanded control over Africans’ bodies, minds, and futures (via their reproductive labor). Wellness, for Africans, meant wresting control of their whole selves from enslavers. Wellness could mean body autonomy (laboring as they wished, playing as they wished, imbibing food and drink as they wished). It could mean spiritual practices that protected and preserved African systems of belief or maintained ways of organizing the supernatural that varied from Catholic doctrine. It could mean play, mischief, or even behavior the French marked as crimes, such as theft or running away, since these crimes often created space for broader wellness practices (feasts, gatherings, and marronnage).
No description provided.
Plate 23 of David Boilat’s Esquisses sénégalaises: physionomie du pays, peuplades, commerce, religions, passé et avenir, récits et légendes (Paris: P. Bertrand, 1853). Slavery Images: A Visual Record of the African Slave Trade and Slave Life in the Early African Diaspora, accessed September 6, 2023, https://slaveryimages.org/database/image-result.php?objectid=998.
Along with misreading wellness practices as crimes, enslavers also misread wellness practices as superstition. In 1734 Le Page du Pratz, for example, described the creation of gris-gris, protective devices composed of natural and inanimate materials, as being “very superstitious and attached to their prejudices.” As Gwendolyn Midlo Hall notes, Reference to grigri is found in New Orleans court records in 1773. Charms ritually fabricated and worn for protection, as well as charms intended to harm others, have kept their African names to the present day. Zinzin, an amulet of support or power in Louisiana Creole, has the same name and meaning in Bambara. Grisgris, a harmful charm, comes from the Mande word gerregerys. The words zvanga and grisgris are still widely used in New Orleans by speakers of English as well as by Creoles.
No description provided.
“Grisgris, Water Bottle & Pouch,” Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, Manuscripts, Archives and Rare Books Division, New York Public Library. New York Public Library Digital Collections, accessed September 6, 2023, https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47da-6eda-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99.
Stories with this keywordMama Comba's GombeauLuison Claims Her FreedomJanette and Pierre: Children Enslaved on the Same PlantationHypolite Is Sold at Public AuctionThe King's Doctor Certifies that Hypolite Is Very SickHypolite Seeks Treatment from the King's DoctorGuillermo, Catalina, and Her Children Are Sold at AuctionGuillermo, Catalina, and Her Children Are InventoriedFrançois Became More Ill Along the WayChef Dominique and Family Stay TogetherCatharina Knows Her WorthAntoine Is Willing to Burn It All Down
This document comprises the second half of the testimony of an enslaved man named Jeannot. A few months before this interrogation, a woman wrote to the Superior Council about the disappearance of her son, Corbin, and prompted an investigation. She blamed a man named Pompée, who was enslaved by the notoriously cruel planter Joseph Chaperon. She claimed that Pompée had threatened her sons previously on more than one occasion. Chaperon told the Superior Council that Jeannot—who was enslaved to Corbin's neighbor—knew who killed Corbin, forcing Jeannot into the investigation as a witness. Jeannot tells us that he is thirty-seven years old and of the Bambara Nation. His words offer us a powerful example of an enslaved and free Black community gathering in eighteenth-century Louisiana. Enslavers' desires to know what happened at the event confirmed by Jeannot, made evident through their questions about alleged religious ceremonies performed and alleged African songs sung there, demonstrate how Africans and their descendants thwarted white surveillance, collaborated together, and protected one another from enslavers and their allies.1
Jeannot témoigne devant le conseil supérieur 10 septembre 1743 Transcription
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(3[ripped]598) dejeuner Ensuite ledit Leonard S'es Retiré [ripped] a la maison et led t Janot s'en fut aux Champs Continuer son ouvrage, et un moment apres Voit revenir son maitre avec un fusil Menacant ledit negre de tirer sur lui Et lui disant puisque tu as dit que tu Voulais me tuer il faut que je te tue A quoi led t Janot repliqua je n'ai jamais Eu la pensée de cela si fait bien dit led t Leonard Car ma femme me la dit et bien Mr Lui dit le negre si vous voulez me Tuer me voila je ne m'en irai pas pour Cela vous etes le maitre Interogé s'il n'a pas dit a son maitre qu'il scavoit qui a tué son voisin M r Corbin A repondu que non quil n'a jamais parle de Cela a son maitre et qu'il ne connoit point Celui qui a tué M r Corbin Interogé s'il n'a pas oüi dire que le M r Corbin Ait ete tué A repondu que non Interogé s'il n'a pas ete d'un Badinage qui se fit chez le M r Corbin deux mois avant sa mort. A repondu qu'il y a assisté mais qu'il n'y Badinoit point Interoge si L'on y Chanta des chansons Prat
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(30599) Negres Et en cette langue la mort de M r Corbin A dit que l'on chanta negre mais qu'il n'en [ripped] pas la langue des negres Fons qui E [ripped] Ceux qui chantoint Interogé sy l'on versa de l'eau ou de l'eau de vie Sur la tete dud. M r Corbin En chantant Et ce que cela voiloit dire A repondue qu'il n'a point Veu Cela Interogé si les Negres du Corbin Scavent qui la tué a dit qu'il n'en a aucune Connoissance Et que S'il scavoit qui peut avoir tué led. Corbin ou qu'il Connoit des Gens qui le scavent Il l'auroit deja dit Interogé s'il a vu des Rats attaches Dans le desert dudit M r Corbin au haut de Longues Cannes s'il scait qui les avoit mis la et a quel dessein A Repondu qu'il n'en scait rien de tout Cela et qu'il n'a pas ete dans ce desert 2 Il a adjouté que ce jour de la fete dieu Que ledit M r Corbin s'est perdu il a passé La journée chez le S r Chaperon et le lendemain Et jours suivants il a toujours travaille Avec son maitre Prat
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(30609) Interogé s'il connoissance que dans le temps De la mort du dit M r Corbin il y avoit de Ce coté la des negres marons A Repondu que non qu'il ne scait point S'il y en avoit Interogé s'il de l'autre coté de l'eau il N'y avoit pas un negre maron qui est Retourné chez son maitre A dit que les negres de Livet furent marons Quinze jours après la perte du dit M r Corbin Interogé s'il n'a pas ete maron lui interogé A dit qu'il y a environ cinq semaines il s'en Fut maron et qu'il demeura huit jours dehors et que ce fut parce que sa metresse Vouloir l'emmener à la Ville pour le faire fouetter pour les mauvaises parolles et Raisonnements qu'elle disoit qu'il avoit Tenu à l'égard de son Mary .3 Qui est tout ce qu'il a dit scavoir Lecture a luy faite du present interrogatoire A dit que ses reponses contiennent verite Y a persisté et declaré ne scavoir Ecrire N'y signer de ce enquis suivant l'ord ce Prat Soit communiqué au procureur gn al Du Roy ce 10e 7bre 1743 Prat Vu le present interrogatoire Je requiere pour le Roy que ledit Janot soit fouette jusqu'a ce qu'il avoue ce qu'il a dit a son Maitre a la nouvelle orleans le dix e Septembre 1743 Fleuriau
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ISSN 2167-1257 | DOI 10.55520/6ZH06EW2
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